Tar Sands, pipelines, and resistance across cultures and borders

During the week of April 18th I  took in two forums on the pollution of the lower Great Lakes basin: Crossing Borders and Making Connections on April 19 in southwest Detroit, and then on the following evening, April 20, in Windsor: Pollution in our Midst: International Forum on Environmental Issues in the Lower Great Lakes Basin. The April 18th forum featured Crystal Lameman, a Tribal leader of the Beaver Lake Cree Nation in the middle of the Tar Sands in Alberta. She gave a compelling overview of the destruction of the land, air and water of her nation because of the Tar Sands bitumen extraction.

Windsor on Watch and Council of Canadians Windsor Essex branch organized the Windsor forum

Vanessa and Lindsay are community activists at Aamjiwnaang, and they gave an overview of the effects of living there amongst the many chemical refineries, and Rhonda Anderson of the Sierra Club in Detroit spoke about organizing in the southwest Detroit area where Marathon Oil dominates the health and quality of life. In effect, Windsor and Detroit are the terminus for Tar Sands bitumen. It is in and around marginalized and racialized communities where refineries are located.

Here is the audio from the April 20th forum in Windsor featuring Vanessa and Lindsay Gray and Sierra Club Michigan’s Rhonda Anderson:

Lindsay & Vanessa Gray Apr 19 2016
Lindsay Gray (L) and Vanessa Gray (R) speak at the SW Detroit forum April 19, 2016 (Photo: Paul Chislett)

Also at both forums were Theresa Landrum, who lives in the directly affected area of SW Detroit around the Marathon plant. On Friday April 22 I spoke with Theresa Landrum on The ShakeUp, airing on campus community radio station CJAM 99.1FM, on her community work and the effects of the petro-chemical industry on that area. She describes the literally day to day struggle to monitor  corporations like Marathon Oil and challenge them when they push to expand:

Theresa Landrum Apr 19 2016
Theresa landrum, community activist, speaks at the SW Detroit forum April 19, 2016. (Photo: Paul Chislett)
Click image to support the work of Aamjiwnaang and Sarnia Against Pipelines (ASAP) legal defence
Click image to support the work of Aamjiwnaang and Sarnia Against Pipelines (ASAP) legal defence


Putting ‘share’ back into the sharing economy: the social solidarity economy

Recently the Uber ride app was activated in Windsor immediately threatening the livelihoods of some 300 unionized cab drivers in the city. Over the New Year holiday many complaints were heard in Windsor over the cost of rides, and this seems to have prompted the mayor to talk about regulating Uber.

Uber is backed by venture capitalists and worth tens of billions of dollars. As with typical capitalist enterprises it’s only a small group of shareholders who profit while the rest of us struggle to make a living amongst all the disruption.

Going deeper, in November-December on The ShakeUp, I attempted to examine the roots of the Uber phenomenon and its claim to be an element of  the sharing economy. Many see app platforms as a way to disrupt traditional systems (like cab rides and hotels) that need to give way to new forms of organizing work. However, what is being disrupted by the likes of Uber is the ability of workers to make a living wage. A wild west sort of world is being created as this article points out alleging sabotage tactics by Uber against a rival. It seems that the Uber-ization of app technology will  turn us all into contingent contract workers driving everybody to a wage so low no one could make a living in an unregulated maze of anything goes. It doesn’t have to be this way.

A true sharing economy  could be one based on principles of mutual aid and cooperativism. A sharing economy would also be based locally while also connected to the broader world. Instead of globalization, it could be internationalism where national and local economies are allowed to flourish. Instead, globalization is resulting in a new colonialism where local economies must serve a global market with the cheapest goods and services possible. While wages have risen in supplier countries, workers still struggle for the right to organize for better wages and working conditions. This was always the fallacy of free trade and globalization: some pockets of workers have better lives, but they can only make a living making cheap goods for consumption in the west.

In a series of conversations below, I attempted to illustrate how workers and governments could use the same app technology as the venture capitalists to form a true sharing economy, through what Trebor Scholz has termed “Platform Cooperativism”(described below) in order to build a new economy and society:

Episode 1 aired on The ShakeUp November 6, 2015:

Sharing is a very human thing to do and the working class and people in poverty and/or marginalized communities have always found sharing and cooperativism crucial for meeting needs and building community. Uber is private company worth, it is said, $18 billion and backed by venture capital. It is subject to the cool factor where urban dwellers have more choice and ease in finding transportation that is supposed to be less expensive and hassle-free than a cab ride. In the crossfire are cab drivers who make a living wage and feel under direct threat of losing their livelihoods. In Windsor Uber could be a disaster for 320 cabbies recently in the news voicing their concerns over the mayor’s exuberant support of Uber. So, where is the sharing – who gets to take part in the sharing, and if these enterprises are backed by millionaire venture capitalists where does sharing come in at all? How is Uber any different from any other corporate entity? Tawanna Dillahunt is an Assistant Professor at the University of Michigan’s School of Information and co-author of “The Promise of the Sharing Economy among Disadvantaged Communities” that explored how low income and marginalized people encounter the sharing economy. She is also the principal investigator of The Social Innovation Group that seeks to “design, build and enhance innovative technologies to solve real-world problems.” The paper investigated the “perception and feasibility of finding temporary employment and sharing spare resources using sharing-economy applications in a city [like Windsor] suffering economic decline.”


Episode 2: also aired November 6, 2015

Tom Slee is a Waterloo based writer on technology and society. Recently his writing has focused on profit, openness, and sharing in the digital world. He wrote “No One Makes You Shop at Wal-Mart” and his most recent book is “What’s Yours is Mine: Against the Sharing Economy”


Episode 3 aired on The ShakeUp November 13, 2015:

“Eli Feghali is the Director of Communications and Online Organizing for the New Economy Coalition. He is a Lebanese-American who has spent the majority of his professional life working as a communications specialist and community organizer. He has particular expertise in strategic communications, press relations, new media strategy, and web design.”

“Michael Toye became Executive Director of the Canadian Community Economic Development Network (CCEDNet) in August of 2008, bringing a deep background in community economic development (CED) to the Director’s chair. Upon earning his Master of Social Work at McGill, Michael helped set up two worker co-operatives that provide research, consulting and training services related to CED and the social economy.”
In the following segement I conversed with Toye and Feghali on the solidarity economy:


Episode 4: Platform Cooperativism. (Aired on The ShakeUp Dec, 4 2015)

Trebor Scholz:

“It’s a call to workers, designers, and developers. It’s up to you: the blue pill or, well, you know the Matrix story — the red.

There has been backlash against unethical labor practices in the “collaborative sharing economy” because of an utter lack of concern for the workers. Take, for example, Uber’s app, with all its geo-location and ride ordering capabilities. Corporate owners and shareholders do not have to be the main benefactors of such platform-based labor brokerage. How to dodge Uber and put a worker-owned cooperative or unionized labor pool in their place?

Imagine, just for one moment, that the algorithmic heart of the citadels of anti-unionism could be cloned and brought back to life under a different ownership model, with fair working conditions, as a humane alternative to the free market model.”

Trebor Scholz is Associate Professor of Culture & Media Studies at the New School New York City and a convenor of the recent conference on Platform Cooperativism. I spoke with him on the concept of Platform Cooperativism:


On November 13-14 in New York City a “coming out part for the Internet: was held in the form of a conference on Platform Cooperativism:

Click on image for video
Click on image for video



And coming this spring to Detroit: North American Social Solidarity Economy Forum  Register HERE

Briefly: “RIPESS-NA (Intercontinental Network for the Promotion of the Social Solidarity Economy-N. America) initiated the process of organizing this forum. RIPESS-NA members include these national networks: the U.S. Solidarity Economy Network (SEN), the Canadian Community Economic Development Network (CCEDNET) and the Chantier de l’économie Sociale in Quebec.”

Further Reading:

Trebor Scholz, “Platform Cooperativism vs. the Sharing Economy”
• Nathan Schneider, “Owning Is the New Sharing,” Shareable (December 21, 2014)
• Janelle Orsi, Frank Pasquale, Nathan Schneider, Pia Mancini, Trebor Scholz, “5 Ways to Take Back Tech,” The Nation (May 27, 2015)
• Nathan Schneider, “Owning What We Share,” Pacific Standard (September 1, 2015)


Nov. 4 2015: Uber comes to town

By Paul Chislett:

Although not in Windsor – yet, the Uber ride sharing company has caused comment in the local media and online. Driving speculation about Uber in Windsor is former Progressive Conservative leader Tim Hudak’s private member’s bill which is meant to open the regulatory door for Uber and other app based enterprises in Ontario. Windsor Mayor Dilkens, in perhaps a supporting role for his provincial ‘brother in arms’, was quoted in local media recently saying he thinks Uber is coming “… whether we want it or not”, and he added “ I see a net benefit to the community myself”. In the same media report, John Toth, vice-president of Unifor Local 195 representing local cab drivers, revealed that “[d]rivers have been worried to the point of anger for years and years over the threat of Uber coming in”. Toth added that 320 workers rely on cab driving to make a living wage.

Uber image

In the past neither Mayor Dilkens, nor especially, Mr Hudak have displayed sympathy for unionized working people and one could be forgiven for believing there is an ideological underpinning for the move to create what would arguably be a sea of independent contractors all competing with each other to the point no one could earn a living wage. In a de-industrializing city like Windsor one would expect careful consideration before causing any more living wage jobs disappear through careless de-regulation. The issue of a sharing economy – which ride sharing is a part of – is a timely one to discuss as politicians get on the app bandwagon.

Dean Baker, co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research made this reasonable assertion: “It is appropriate for taxis to be subject to safety and insurance requirements. The ones in place now may well be excessive, but it can’t make sense to have a traditional taxi sector bound by these rules and then a group of upstarts to which no rules apply.” Mayor Dilkens says Uber “employs people too, [that] Uber drivers are employees [who] work and they make money, they pay taxes.” His assumption is that Uber work will have no impact on existing workers who get paid a living wage, pay fees related to their work and taxes as well. What are we to make, then, of new technologies and decent work at a living wage? What is the sharing economy and what alternatives are there to a Wild West scenario of independent contractors jostling to make a living?

U.S. based academic Juliet Schor leads a six-year project on the sharing economy for the MacArthur Foundation’s Connected Learning Research Network. In an October 2014 paper, “Debating the Sharing Economy” she explores the realities of the sharing economy writing that “…new technologies of peer-to-peer economic activity are potentially powerful tools for building a social movement centered on genuine practices of sharing and cooperation in the production and consumption of goods and services. But achieving that potential will require democratizing the ownership and governance of the platforms.”

Schor describes a 2014 conference called to investigate the sharing economy and offers that the “…term covers a sprawling range of digital platforms and offline activities, from financially successful companies like Airbnb, a peer-to-peer lodging service, to smaller initiatives such as repair collectives and tool libraries.” The idea of the sharing economy has many boosters but many at the conference questioned the “…popular claim that the sharing economy is fairer, lower-carbon, and more transparent, participatory, and socially-connected…”. Schor writes that “[c]oming up with a solid definition of the sharing economy that reflects common usage is nearly impossible: … Airbnb is practically synonymous with the sharing economy, but traditional bed and breakfasts are left out. Lyft, a ride service company, claims to be in, but Uber, another ride service company, does not.” For example, Uber is said to be worth $18 billion or more, is backed by venture capital, and run by another wunderkind CEO Travis Kalanick. Schor quotes lawyer Janelle Orsi asking, “[h]ow are we going to harness the sharing economy to spread the wealth?” The question worrying Schor and others is if the sharing economy will “…evolve in line with its stated progressive, green, and utopian goals, or will it devolve into business as usual?” Business as usual would be for profit corporations moving in to claim the sharing economy territory.

Schor explores why people want to participate in the sharing economy and finds that “[s]ome participants are drawn by the trendiness or novelty of the platforms[,]” … and warns that the “…novelty about which many participants … talk can be an expression of classism and racism…”. Schor explains that “…sharing remain[s] more common in working-class, poor, and minority communities. The discourse of novelty employs a false universalism that can be alienating to people who have maintained non-digital sharing practices in their daily lives.” Here I am thinking of the cab drivers who already share their lives with each other through work and the customers they serve every day. As well, I am thinking of the very stark divide in Windsor between Walkerville and South Windsor, and the Glengarry neighbourhood including the entire swath of the city from Gladstone to Sandwich.

The latter are the parts of the city where newcomers to Canada settle and are also home to working class people stuck in the lower end of the social-economic scale. In other words, for well off households the Uber experience is cool and people can believe they are sharing with everyone, yet a great chunk of the population remains invisible and out of the digital sharing loop. Yet, obviously, sharing isn’t new for working class people and I am reminded of my grandparents who used their home as a boarding house during the Great Depression. The question is does the sharing economy means inclusion and a sense of ‘we’re all in this together’, or is it reproducing inequality and exclusion?

At this point it’s useful to look at the work of two other researchers, Tawanna R. Dillahunt and Amelia R. Malone who wrote “The Promise of the Sharing Economy among Disadvantaged Communities”. The authors state that

[b]ecause of the economic crisis, unemployment rates have risen; the purchasing power of consumers has declined; and bank loans have become more difficult to obtain. Such factors have resulted in individuals looking to both earn and save money. Sharing is a common method in which individuals, particularly among low-income groups, have saved money. For example, close-knit, low-income individuals often share expenses and transportation. They also provide social and emotional support and barter services such as childcare.

The concern for Windsor is summed up in this quote cited by Dillahunt and Malone: “How can we take these sharing mechanisms and torque or re-purpose them from the point of view of people for whom sharing is not a cool, optional, sexy, ‘I-don’t-want-to-be-burdened’ thing, but for people for whom it’s an absolute necessity because they don’t have the resources for traditional ownership?” That is a crucial question for Windsor and the answer will take real leadership far beyond the ‘Uber is coming and I’ll change regulations to make it easier for living wage jobs to disappear’ kind so far offered. It really is a question of who needs the access to new technologies the most, and are we enhancing what we already have in terms of living wage jobs while we collectively figure out how to transition to new ways of working.

Getting back to Schor’s paper, there are alternatives to the destructive aspects of the sharing economy. That alternative must be led by people organizing to create a movement which can, according to Schor

…make a critical difference in realizing the potential of the sharing model” in that that “…organizations that are part of the solidarity sector, such as unions, churches, civil society groups, and cooperatives, could create platforms for their members. They could build alternatives to the for-profits, particularly if the software to operate these exchanges is not too expensive. These platforms could be user-governed and/or owned.

She cites a taxi cooperative in Portland Oregon that will use ride sharing technology that will evolve the business into a driver-owned version of ride sharing. Schor argues that “…sharing entities [must] become part of a larger movement that seeks to redistribute wealth and foster participation, [as well as] ecological protection, and social connection.” It’s a matter of putting ‘share’ in the sharing economy. Concluding, Schor offers this:

The emergence of [Peer 2 Peer] (P2P) communities that share goods, space, and labor services can be the foundation of a new household model in which people are less dependent on employers and more able to diversify their access to income, goods, and services. But the early stage goodwill from the big platforms will dissipate as they become incorporated into the business-as-usual economy. We are at a critical juncture in which users’ organizing for fair treatment, demands for eco-accountability, and attention to whether human connections are strengthened through these technologies can make a critical difference in realizing the potential of the sharing model.

Uber is just the tip of the iceberg. What we’re really talking about is the wholesale change in the very nature of work: increasingly robotized manufacturing work, autonomous cars and trucks, and the increase in low wage work, for example. There is the potential for hundreds of millions of people looking for work of all sorts around the world and turning to app based opportunities. In the de-industrializing City of Windsor clinging to history that is rapidly evolving, with the fourth most diverse population in Canada completely unrepresented in local government, and with the highest unemployment rate in the country we are in desperate need of real leadership.

We need to be looking at a basic annual income so people can do more than just survive in these changing times. Workers, unions, churches and civil society groups need to organize together for the creation of a climate of cooperativism and mutual aid that breaks down barriers in this economically, and yes, ethnically divided city. And while we are doing this, we need to preserve what living wage jobs there are, as well as enhancing existing social assistance programs, including shelters and affordable housing, so people don’t fall further behind.

What Mayor Dilkens offers is a cold shoulder to the very concept of a sharing or solidarity economy. Such a thing is within reach, but we cannot expect it to come from above.

As an addition from further research there is this:

Take, for example, Uber’s app, with all its geolocation and ride ordering capabilities. Why do its owners and investors have to be the main benefactors of such platform-based labor brokerage? Developers, in collaboration with local, worker-owner cooperatives could design such a self-contained program for mobile phones. Despite its meteoric rise, $300 million in VC-backing (and its $18 billion evaluation bubble), as well as massive international reach, there is nothing inevitable about Uber’s long-term success. There’s no magic when it comes to developing such a piece of software; it’s not rocket science. Of course, technology is only one part of the equation and instead of letting techno-determinism run its course, I’d rather point to the long history of worker-owned cooperatives, EP Thompson and Robert Owen.

From: “Platform Cooperativism vs. the Sharing Economy” by Trebor Scholz

If you are interested in being part of a discussion group on the sharing economy in Windsor please contact the author at paul.chislett@gmail.com or by phone at 519 252 1212.

When Mr Harper came to town…

Stephen Harper came to Windsor a couple of weeks ago. He came to ground zero of the collapse of the manufacturing base in Canada. About 50 labour and social justice advocates came out on short notice to exercise our right to dissent.

Windsor and District Labour Council president Brian Hogan addresses dissenters at Anchor Danly plant. (Photo: Paul Chislett Sept. 20 2015)
Windsor and District Labour Council president Brian Hogan addresses dissenters at Anchor Danly plant. (Photo: Paul Chislett Sept. 20 2015)

Harper supporters, numbering around 100, came out of the Anchor Danly plant after being treated to a typical Harper stage managed pep rally. On the way out many Harper supporters held placards that read ‘the economy is the number one priority.’ Those signs were particularly hard to take for many protestors who greeted Mr Harper at Anchor Danly, and earlier at Crest Mold. With unemployment the highest in Canada here in Windsor, and manufacturing job losses in the hundreds of thousands across southwestern Ontario over 30 years of free trade, we were left wondering what economy Harper was talking about. Now we hear another massive, secret deal, the Trans Pacific Partnership, has been agreed to in principle by the Harper government.

Although all politicians steer clear of any discussion of Free Trade during this campaign, it is the working class of the country, and Windsor specifically, that has not been able to avoid the effects: job losses, increased precarity, loss of union density ( that is to say, the loss of bargaining power and political clout for workers), and so on.

With free trade and the resulting globalization of national economies and the collapse of positive state interventions (ie income support, environmental regulation, right relations with First Nations, etc) capitalist investors sought lower wage labour elsewhere while accumulating obscene wealth. Communications technology and cheap oil made the administration of a global supply chain possible. The bottom line has been that all national economies had to submit to the global hierarchy through trade agreements and the resulting formation of trading blocks. As a result there are hundreds of millions of migrant workers all seeking a place in the global economy.

The workers being left behind as plant after plant closed in Ontario were told they and their children would have to join the knowledge economy by upgrading and gaining access to post-secondary education.

National media speak to Eleanor McGuffin during PM Harper's visit to Windsor (Photo: Paul Chislett Sept 20 2015)
National media speak to Eleanor McGuffin during PM Harper’s visit to Windsor (Photo: Paul Chislett Sept 20 2015)
The days are long gone when a tool and die maker in Windsor could literally shop his labour across the street and make a little more an hour or gain better working conditions. Unionized workers were the powerhouse of organizing politically in order to solidify gains made in the post-war “boom” years. During the development of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) and then the North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), many warned the new economy would spell disaster for places like Windsor. They weren’t wrong, yet Canada continues to barge ahead with the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP).

For too many the knowledge economy has devolved  into low wage service work heavily reliant on temporary employment agencies. Post-secondary education has become a debt trap for working class students who will be for years indebted to banks. Without an effective national plan for manufacturing and investment in new technology, employers have been given a free hand to hire temporary foreign workers at will with disastrous effect. The effect has been the devaluing of  skilled work. This is NOT the fault of the foreign workers.

The global economy has wrecked the national economies of their countries; predominantly countries of the global South that for centuries have been the source of capitalist wealth beginning with the slave trade. The national economies of Tunisia, Indonesia, Jamaica, Mexico, Vietnam, and so on, cannot produce enough jobs for their citizens thereby ensuring, for the global capitalists, a near endless supply of low wage labour willing to move thousands of miles away from family and culture to work in Europe and North America. This isn’t an accident; the system is built this way.

This is the context of Mr Harper’s visit to Windsor. And there we were; Us and Them. Windsorites that can see what I’ve described vs. those who still benefit from the status quo – the professional class, investors, real estate agents, business owners, and local politicians desperate to believe that the current prime minister is there best bet in surviving a global economy. More of the same they say, except more of the same is impoverishing the working class and destroying the biosphere.

Mireille Coral at anti-Harer rally. (Photo: Paul Chislett)
Mireille Coral at anti-Harper rally. (Photo: Paul Chislett)

As if the economy in a shambles isn’t bad enough, Mr Harper has set the country on a dangerous course with his ‘Old Stock Canadian’ comment and the Niqab wedge issue that are clearly racist taunts meant to instil in all of us a fear of the ‘Other’: Muslims, temporary foreign workers who are good enough to work here but not live here, desperate refugees fleeing the very wars waged to maintain a corrupt global economy, First Nations peoples who are on the front lines of environmental resistance to more pipelines and the general destruction of the biosphere, and any others who disagree with the prime ministers authoritarian rule. That hateful phrase – Old Stock Canadian – is a code to signal to those most fearful of the future that some may not really belong here; are not really Canadians.

The first thing I thought of,  living in the 4th most diverse city in Canada, is what must newcomers be thinking hearing this comment? What was Windsor- Tecumseh Conservative candidate thinking when she said to the media, “…when I look at the party beliefs, the Conservatives fit for me”? Stoking racist values in a diverse city with high unemployment is inexcusable.

Not only is the local economy in crisis, so to is the global economy in crisis because it has reached the limits of what the planet can give: there is seemingly nowhere left to invest in job sustaining enterprises – thus the rise of low wage service work (not necessarily low social value work), and financialization; that is, debt as a commodity. The global political and investing elites are out of ideas on how to transform the global economy and are not about to admit it. They need authoritarians like the Prime Minister and his coterie of candidates to keep on implementing austerity to make sure fear paralyzes dissent – even as they preach publicly as Gignac did – about  how they will be a “…strong advocate for our residents and businesses”, or some such promise.

However, the hopeful signs, even in the face of their failures are, the Arab Spring, the global Occupy movement, and Idle No More. Also hopeful is the rise of the radical left – at least radical in comparison to the existing political economy – in Spain, Greece and Quebec. That confluence of spontaneous organization around inequality and environmental degradation must have severely shaken the confidence of the global elites; hence, the militarization of police forces, the rise of Othering, and outright racist taunts and actions, and the ever present war on terror.

In Windsor, the fourth most diverse city in Canada, the political and economic leaders look nothing like the city. Civic leaders are predominantly male, white, and wedded to the idea that private investment and low taxes are the only answers to rebuilding Windsor. We have a $75 million aquatic centre which costs, we are now told, $3 million a year to maintain. It sits on the periphery of one of the poorest neighbourhoods in Windsor. This kind of investment is born out of the mindset of global elites that envisions cities as sites of spectacle: entertainment and consumption that is supposed to drive a local economy. In so called world class cities we see hundreds of billions of dollars spent on the Olympics or other global sports spectacles. In Windsor it’s FINA or the casino; pathetic imitations of the global vision for cities.

What new politics must we imagine to confront the reality of Windsor rather than the wishful thinking of blind leaders?

Clearly, if you’re as depressed as I am at what I’ve laid out,  a new kind of thinking is required; especially for cities like Windsor, which capital has so obviously abandoned. Green jobs as we transition to a new economy (as in the LEAP Manifesto promotes) certainly have promise; but there must be more, far more. A whole new way of thinking about work, education, community; about participatory democracy and citizen assemblies is required.

Click image for more info on LEAP Manifesto
Click image for more info on LEAP Manifesto

We need to create new ways of organizing on a scale required when factories re-ordered the mainly agrarian way of life in Canada and elsewhere with the luring off the land of rural workers who became the factory workers, who became the union agitators, who became the middle class. Certainly a standard of living and material well-being was achieved like no other time in history, but the political and economic power workers had to maintain and enhance their position was always tenuous as the last 30 years have taught us.

So instead of waiting for some corporation or single genius along the lines of Elon Musk to save us all – an unlikely outcome – we need to think of ourselves as fully capable of working cooperatively for our mutual benefit using the very technology that is eliminating jobs. For it is no longer free trade and the off shoring of work that threatens our well-being and political participation in affairs. It is now the very elimination of whole categories of decent work such as truck driving and manufacturing in large factories. Driverless vehicles are just around the corner, robots already dominate manufacturing plants, and how long will Chinese factories need human workers to assemble iPhones? What will the world do with billions of surplus workers?

After October 19th, we must begin to imagine an entirely new political economy and plan on how to get there. I think the answers lie in places like Windsor and Detroit, and indeed work is underway. More on that after the election…

March 6 2015: Perspectives on International Women’s Day 2015

March 8th was International Women’s Day, a commemoration going back over 100 years, and according to the website dedicated to the day, “International Women’s Day has been observed since in the early 1900’s, a time of great expansion and turbulence in the industrialized world that saw booming population growth and the rise of radical ideologies.”

Hagar Farag, Mireille Coral, and Theresa Sims in the CJAM studios March 6th 2015
Hagar Farag, Mireille Coral, and Theresa Sims in the CJAM studios March 6th 2015

You can find out more on the history of IWD and how it was born out of women’s struggle to escape oppression and inequality – a struggle in tandem with the workers movement in general against the ravages of capitalist exploitation: http://www.internationalwomensday.com/about.asp#.VPnJNPnF9qU

On Friday, March 6th I had in the CJAM 99.1FM studio Theresa Sims a Six Nations Mohawk and member of the Turtle Clan, Hagar Farag, a graduate studies student at the University of Windsor studying the militarization of North American police forces, and Mireille Coral an activist educator and alumni of University of Windsor. She was also one of the founders of the Womyn’s Centre at the university in the 1980’s.

They spoke about personal experiences as women, politics, identity, and who shapes the narrative around issues like, for instance, dress, culture, and what is important to talk about.

We attempted to create a cross section of women’s experiences for a discussion and to start off it was thought each could have a few minutes to describe their encounters in the world as women and the significance of IWD to start off the discussion.

The program is The ShakeUp, a project of OPIRG Windsor airing Friday’s at 4PMEDT